Tourist and archaeological sites such as Machu Picchu, Nazca lines, Cuzco, etc. . people therefore defining dates and times are always recommended than Question: Briefly describe the local culture's attitudes regarding the following: Gender, Class, Religion and . Lima: Fondo Editorial del Congreso del Peru, E-mail: [email protected] . burial grounds for people from around the region from Nazca to Chincha. Visual Graphic of Radiocarbon Dates from Cerro del Gentil. .. Canziani J. Arquitectura y urbanismo del período Paracas en el valle Isla E. La cultura Paracas dans le site archéologique «El. Le développement soudain de la culture La Tolita il y a BP résulte-t-il d'une . Ecuador, or the later part of Chavin, Paracas, Nasca and the Vicus Moche, in Peru. . The interpolation of 14C dated beach ridges (Tihay ; Tihay and .. Agricultura ancestral camellones y albarradas, contexto social, usos y retos del.
Moche iconography features a figure which scholars have nicknamed the "Decapitator"; it is frequently depicted as a spider, but sometimes as a winged creature or a sea monster: When the body is included, the figure is usually shown with one arm holding a knife and another holding a severed head by the hair; it has also been depicted as "a human figure with a tiger's mouth and snarling fangs". Collapse[ edit ] There are several theories as to what caused the demise of the Moche political structure.
Some scholars have emphasised the role of environmental change. Other evidence demonstrates that these events did not cause the final Moche demise. For instance, in the Jequetepeque Valley, later settlements are characterized by fortifications and defensive works.
While there is no evidence of a foreign invasion, as many scholars have suggested in the past i. The Moche co-existed with the Ica-Nazca culture in the south. They are thought to have had some limited contact with the Ica-Nazca because they later mined guano for fertilizer and may have traded with northerners.
Moche pottery has been found near Ica, but no Ica-Nazca pottery has been found in Moche territory. The coastal Moche culture also co-existed or overlapped in time with the slightly earlier Recuay culture in the highlands.
Some Moche iconographic motifs can be traced to Recuay design elements. Eventually, by CE, they established control over the Viru. The name of this architectural complex is where the name of the Moche site and culture came from .
Caballito de totora in the Peruvian beach of Huanchaco. Also in the tomb were the remains of six other individuals, several animals, and a large variety of ornamental and functional items, many of which were made of gold, silver, and other valuable materials.
Moche culture - Wikipedia
A trait of this style is the symbolism that is rendered to all natural beings, evoking the supernatural forces and implying sophisticated ritual practices.
Shortly before the turning to the Common Era BP the site is probably the most important ceremonial center on the north Pacific equatorial coast, with many satellite centers radiating some km along the seaboard. By this time, La Tolita is a ceremonial center and a regional necropolis, with both elite and commoner burials disposed on an extension of over a square kilometer.
The massive amount of archaeological objects that are found today throughout the world, in museums and private collections, were once funerary paraphernalia, deposited to service the deceased in the afterlife.
By BP the Tolita center developed a way of life based on the practice of complex rituals, manufacture of related handicrafts and intensive agriculture. The economic base that sustained the center was probably trade in various forms. The nearby Laguna raised fields -artificaial areas of stockpiled earth to prevent cultures from excess dampness- Fig. In the same tenure, the production of luxurious and high status goods such as jewelry, fine textiles, symbolically charged pottery objects, etc was definitely suited for long and short distance trade.
In this context, the location of the Tolita island ceremonial center was both strategic and tactical. Sea and fluvial navigation was the constant form of communicating with near and distant places.
Archeological evidence shows that the center received visitors and merchants from all directions Valdez, Interactions with some of these coeval societies have been documented as far south as Frias, in the north of modern Peru.
The interaction, direct or indirect, between the coast and the highlands began surely before BP, but flourished between and BP. The presence of obsidian, a highland commodity coming from the eastern ridge of the Andes, near Quito, has been well documented in the Tolita region by BP Burger, Asaro et al.
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Exchange developed between the coast and the highlands using the Santiago-Cayapas drainage, that flows straight down slope from the Andes. This is a striking element of the La Tolita culture that contrasts with the development of other sites in the same period.
Exchange between the coastal and the highland cultures is evidenced since the Early La Tolita period, but trade seems to have increased notably from BP onward Valdez The outmost expansion and the cultural climax of the La Tolita-Tumaco society was coeval with the fast development of La Tolita island site as a ceremonial center, which reached its zenith around the beginning of the Common Era.
The center maintained its prominence until the year AD, in which it was abandoned, but its material culture remained present until the year AD in which all its manifestations ceased in the region. The causes for its collapse and eventual extinction have not yet been truly determined, but it is likely that the interactions that had knitted the cultural sphere began to decline throughout the region. It is possible that the ideological force that was the base of all interaction lost its appeal, probably in view of continuous failures to cope with natural events i.
The structural collapse of the interrelated parties involved in the interaction sphere never has a single cause, but the evidence inferred from the material culture and the settlement patterns that replaced the Tolita Culture shows a very different general outlook on existence. It is very possible that the physical environment did not change at all, but the dominant worldviews certainly changed and produced a much simpler way of life.
We analyzed the drainage pattern on Spot images and aerial photos, looking for river deviation, abandoned valleys, and channel pattern anomalies, using geomorphologic methods of alluvial river analysis synthesized in Schumm et al. The first important step of the evolution was the disruption of the El Placer Pleistocene fan, which was beheaded Dumont, Santana et al.
The trend of the new channel suggests a defluviation possibly controlled by NE-SW trending faults, in a style similar to the re-direction of the Mira River, and pre-dates probably the Holocene. This shows that the history of fluvial migration of the area is complex. Zoom Original jpeg, k Fig 3. The dashed line shows the limit of an area marked on the image by a fine grain, and interpreted as a flood area. Numbers refer to commentary in the text. As usually observed in alluvial rivers a significant increase of discharge generate at least a flood, and possibly an avulsion by over bank flow, which is frequently initiated in a meander loop.
Either the new channel joins the former channel some kilometers to hundred of kilometers downstream Smith, Cross et al. The excess of discharge that generates the avulsion is generally temporary: In the first case the old channel develops a tipical underfit channel pattern that fits the remaining low discharge Dury If the increase of discharge is permanent, resulting from a capture or a deviation, there is enough water to maintain active the old channel and the avulsion channel.
This is the situation observed here. The geomorphologic analysis of channel characteristics shows that the Cayapas River presents the same meandering pattern the relation between width and sinuosity upstream from the confluence with the Santiago River Fig. According to this observation the lower reach of the Cayapas River is the estuary channel that was active before the drainage deviation and the avulsion occur.
It is important to note that we observe only one avulsion, with permanency of the old channel that pre-dates the avulsion. This situation is different from the drainage pattern observed in the areas where flood and avulsion are frequent and present a typical anastomosed drainage pattern Smith, Cross et al. The dual estuary channel observed here the previous Cayapas River channel and the new one after the avulsion accounts for the new mean discharge, and do accommodate the temporary discharge variations, as no other avulsion is observed.
The upper segment, upstream from La Tolita Fig. The interpolation of 14C dated beach ridges Tihay ; Tihay and Usselmann near the point of changing pattern of the estuary channel allows an estimation of BP for the avulsion Fig. The beach ridge accretion pattern presents relatively parallel lines except during the period BP Fig. This deviation suggests a faster accretion of beach ridges during the period that predated the avulsion event.
The subsidence tendency seems to resume about years after the event, and a situation similar to the present is observed from around BP Dumont, Santana et al. The Early La Tolita archeological sites are presently found m below the mean upper sea level Fig 4 Valdezsuggesting a total subsidence of at least m since the occupation.
Zoom Original jpeg, k Fig. Field profile section from the El Indio archeological site 1: In a cm deep dig pit some 5m inland, the same refuse midden layer provided the gold element showed to the right size 17mmx11mmx0,1mm ; 6: It is included inside the flood area observed on the aerial photo, near the western border. The section presents 3 parts Fig.
A a massive and homogeneous basement made of beach ridge sand including shell fragments, covered by a thin level of sand from the beach ridge and clay fragments from local origin. The part B is complex and corresponds to the fill of a local drainage that was oblique to the present tide channel. The brown level Fig. An irregular but clear limit separates this lower level from a cm thick homogeneous light brown layer of sand, including scattered centimeter-size wood fragments Fig.
The granulometry presents few variations across the different levels, all with silt size coming from alluvial deposits or reworked from flood deposits. The flood level is differentiated for its clearer color, homogeneity and the presence of a discontinuous coarser base level. There is no evidence of deposits of marine origin i.
The AMS 14C dating of wood fragments scattered in the middle part of the flood deposit yielded a calibrated age of to BP. The flood level is covered by two lenses of refuse Fig. This level of refuse yielded two 14C dates: However the refuse level Fig.
An ash layer ends the part B. The upper part C is a monotonous archeological layer Fig. A thick sedimentary cover Fig.
Discussion 12The first evidence when comparing geomorphic changes and archeological culture evolution is that the apparition of the La Tolita island site postdates the avulsion that created the present estuary. As this archeological site was settled on an island at the estuary mouth, it is logical to assume that this would only be possible after the estuary existed. However, the most important settlement in La Tolita island appeared by BP Valdezthat is about to years after the avulsion Fig.
From the pre-avulsion occupation of the coastal area by ELTC sites to the emergence of the La Tolita island ceremonial center what was the relation between the succession of geomorphic and cultural events? Recapitulation of dating elements from the La Tolita area, in relation to the correlation between the geomorphologic changes and the cultural evolution D and E refer to the location of 14C dates in Santana et al. Avulsion and flood level 13An important point for the comparison between geomorphic and archeological cultural evolution, and in particular for the interpretation of the El Indio profile section, is the interpretation of the flood deposit as representative of the avulsion that opened the new estuary Fig.
As stated before, there is evidence for only one avulsion episode, and the flood area identified on the remote sensing documents is located around the avulsion channel. The dating of the avulsion is not direct, it is estimated from the ages of the closest beach ridges to the point of change of the morphology of the lower Cayapas-Santiago channel, from river to estuary system.